It seems fitting that we take today to remind everyone of the events which transpired at the United States Capitol three years ago last Saturday. Joe Biden reminded everyone, in his first campaign speech of the year. Some in the media are even starting to call the 2024 presidential election "the January 6th election." That may or may not turn out to be the case (some other issue could easily be the main motivator for voters by November, in other words), but with Donald Trump out there still refusing to admit he's a loser and with a frighteningly-high percentage of Republican voters buying into his dark fantasy, it behooves us all to go back to what was said about the events of that day. By Republicans.

Four excerpts of speeches on the Senate floor sum up what the prevailing feelings were that day. The first is from one of the staunchest defenders of Donald Trump, Senator Lindsey Graham. His strong words that night were a declaration of divorce from Trumpism, but (of course) this didn't last too long, and Graham quickly resumed being one of Trump's biggest toadies on Capitol Hill.

The other three speeches are from the Republican Senate leader, Mitch McConnell. To his credit, McConnell has not reconciled with Trump and (assumably) still stands by the words he forcefully spoke back then.

We started with Graham because he is so awfully animated during his speech. Those who explain this in a charitable way point to the intense events of that day and how exhausting it must have been for Graham and all the other members of Congress to endure the attack. Those who explain this less charitably (and with more snark) posit that Graham may have had a few stiff drinks right before giving this speech. We leave it up to the reader to draw your own conclusions, after watching him speak.

Lindsey Graham

Some background is necessary to even understand what Graham is talking about in his first paragraph. He refers to the presidential election of 1876, when Republican Rutherford B. Hayes eventually won over Democrat Samuel J. Tilden. Here's why the word "eventually" is necessary in that sentence (from Wikipedia):

Florida (with 4 electoral votes), Louisiana (with 8), and South Carolina (with 7) reported returns that favored [Samuel J.] Tilden, but the elections in each state were marked by electoral fraud and threats of violence against Republican voters. The most extreme case was in South Carolina, where an impossible 101 percent of all eligible voters in the state had their votes counted, and an estimated 150 Black Republicans were murdered. One of the points of contention revolved around the design of ballots. At the time, parties would print ballots or "tickets" to enable voters to support them in the open ballots. To aid illiterate voters, the parties would print symbols on the tickets, and in this election, many Democratic ballots were printed with the Republican symbol of Abraham Lincoln on them. The Republican-dominated state electoral commissions subsequently rejected enough Democratic votes to award their electoral votes to [Rutherford B.] Hayes.

The exact same argument was made back then that Donald Trump attempted to make for Mike Pence -- that the president of the Senate had the power to count the valid votes and also to disqualify invalid votes. To resolve the dispute, Congress passed a unique law:

Facing an unprecedented constitutional crisis, the Congress passed a law on January 29, 1877, to form a 15-member Electoral Commission, which would settle the result. Five members were selected from each house of Congress, and they were joined by five members of the United States Supreme Court, with William M. Evarts serving as counsel for the Republican Party. The majority party in each house named three members and the minority party two members. As the Republicans controlled the Senate and the Democrats controlled the House of Representatives, that yielded five Democratic and five Republican members of the commission. Of the Supreme Court justices, two Republicans and two Democrats were chosen, with the fifth to be selected by those four.

This is what Graham is referring to when he says: "having a commission chosen by Nancy Pelosi, Mitch McConnell, and John Roberts." In any case, here is the full transcript (complete with him stumbling over his own words, at times) of what Lindsey Graham had to say after the insurrectionists' attack and while Congress had reconvened to finish counting the Electoral College votes.

[If you'd like, you can read the transcript which we started with (which did require editing to make it as coherent as possible, although we did resist the urge to add any emphasis beyond a few exclamation points) or watch the whole thing on video (which is more entertaining).]

Many times, uh, my state has been the problem. I love it. It's where I want to die, but no time soon. Tim and I, uh, have a good relationship. I love Tim Scott.

[In] 1876, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida sent two slate[s] of electors. They had two governments, by the way, and we didn't know what to do. Why did South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana do it? To hold the country hostage to end Reconstruction. It worked. The commission was eight-to-seven. It didn't work. Nobody accepted it. The way it ended is when Hayes did a deal with these three states: "You give me the electors; I'll kick the Union Army out." The rest is history. It led to Jim Crow. If you're looking for historical guidance, this is not the one to pick. If you're looking for a way to convince people there was no fraud, having a commission chosen by Nancy Pelosi, Mitch McConnell, and John Roberts is not going to get you to where you want to go. It ain't going to work.

So it's not going to do any good -- it's going to delay -- and it gives credibility to a dark chapter of our history. That's why I'm not with you -- but I will fight to my death for you -- you're able to object -- you're not doing anything wrong. Other people have objected. I just think it's a uniquely bad idea to delay this election.

Uh, Trump and I -- we've had a hell of a journey. I hate it to end this way. Oh my God I hate it! From my point of view, he's been a consequential president. But today, first thing you'll see. All I can say is, uh, count me out. Enough is enough. I've tried to be helpful. But when the Wisconsin Supreme Court ruled four-to-three that they didn't violate the supreme -- uh, the constitution of Wisconsin; I agree with the three, but I accept the four. If Al Gore could accept [a] five-four [U.S. Supreme Court ruling that] he's not president, I can accept Wisconsin four-to-three.

Pennsylvania. It went to the Second Circuit. So much for all the judges being in Trump's pocket. They said: "No, you're wrong." I accept the [decision of the] Pennsylvania Second Circuit [sic, this is a federal appellate court, not a state court] that Trump's lawsuit wasn't -- wasn't right. Georgia, they said the secretary of state took the law into his own hands; he changed the election laws unlawfully. A federal judge said: "No." I accept the federal judge['s decision], even though I don't agree with it.

Fraud. They said there's 66,000 people in Georgia [who are] under 18 [who] voted. How many people believe that? I asked [them]: "Give me 10," and they had one. They said 8,000 felons in prison in Arizona voted. "Give me 10." I got one. Does that say there's -- there's problems in every election. I don't buy this. Enough's enough. We've got to end it.

Vice President Pence, what they're asking you to do, you won't do, because you can't. You talk about interesting times -- I associate myself with Rand Paul. How many times will you hear that? The mob has done something nobody else could do, to get me and Rand to agree. Rand is right! If you're a conservative, this is the most offensive concept in the world that a single person could disenfranchise 155 million people

"The President of the Senate shall in the presence of the Senate and the House of Representatives open all certificates and the vote shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for president shall be president." Where in there does it say: "Mike can say: 'I don't like the results. I want to send them back to the states. I believe there was fraud.'"? To the conservatives who believe in the Constitution, now's your chance to stand up and be counted.

Originalism -- count me in. It means what it says. So Mike, Mr. Vice President, just hang in there. They said: "We can count on Mike." All of us can count on the vice president. You're going to do the right thing. You're going to do the constitutional thing. You got a son who flies F-35s. You've got a son-in-law who flies F-teens -- F-18s. They're out there flying so that we get it right here. There are people dying, to my good friend from Illinois, to make sure we have a chance to argue among ourselves, and when it's over, it is over. It is over!

The final thing, Joe Biden; I've traveled the world with Joe. I hoped he lost. I prayed he would lose. He won! He's the legitimate President of the United States. I cannot convince people -- certain groups -- by my words, but I will tell you by my actions that maybe I among any -- above all others in this body need to say this. Joe Biden and Kamala Harris are lawfully elected and will become the president and the vice president of the United States on January the 20th.

Mitch McConnell (before the violence)

McConnell spoke to warn his fellow Republican senators to not challenge the legitimacy of the states' electors. This, obviously, wasn't convincing enough. But even before the violence started, McConnell (to his credit) was warning what a dark road it would all lead down for American democracy.

[Again, feel free to either read the original transcript, or watch the video.]

We're debating a step that has never been taken in American history. Whether Congress should overrule the voters and overturn a presidential election. I've served 36 years in the Senate. This'll be the most important vote I've ever cast. President Trump claims the election was stolen. The assertions range from specific local allegations to constitutional arguments, to sweeping conspiracy theories. I supported the president's right to use the legal system. Dozens of lawsuits received hearings in courtrooms all across our country. But over and over the courts rejected these claims, including all-star judges whom the president himself has nominated. Every election we know features some illegality and irregularity, and of course, that's unacceptable. I support strong state-led voting reforms. Last year's bizarre pandemic procedures must not become the new norm.

But my colleagues, nothing before us proves illegality anywhere near the massive scale -- the massive scale that would have tipped the entire election. Nor can public doubt alone justify a radical break when the doubt itself was incited without any evidence. The Constitution gives us here in Congress a limited role. We cannot simply declare ourselves a National Board of Elections on steroids.

The voters, the courts, and the states have all spoken. They've all spoken. If we overrule them, it would damage our republic forever.

. . .

[If] this election were overturned by mere allegations from the losing side, our democracy would enter a death spiral. We'd never see the whole nation accept an election again. Every four years would be a scramble for power at any cost.

. . .

Self-government, my colleagues, requires a shared commitment to the truth and a shared respect for the ground rules of our system. We cannot keep drifting apart into two separate tribes with a separate set of facts and separate realities with nothing in common except our hostility towards each other and mistrust for the few national institutions that we all still share.

Mitch McConnell (immediately after the violence)

Here is the defiant speech McConnell gave after the insurrection attempt.

[Transcript or video.]

I want to say to the American people the United States Senate will not be intimidated. We will not be kept out of this chamber by thugs, mobs, or threats. We will not bow to lawlessness or intimidation. We are back at our posts. We will discharge our duty under the Constitution and for our nation. And we're going to do it tonight.

This afternoon, Congress began the process of honoring the will of the American people and counting the Electoral College votes. We have fulfilled this solemn duty every four years for more than two centuries. Whether our nation has been at war or at peace, under all manner of threats, even during an ongoing armed rebellion and the Civil War, the clockwork of our democracy has carried on.

The United States and the United States Congress have faced down much greater threats than the unhinged crowd we saw today. We've never been deterred before, and we'll be not deterred today. They tried to disrupt our democracy. They failed. They failed. They failed to attempt to obstruct the Congress.

This failed insurrection only underscores how crucial the task before us is for our republic. Our nation was founded precisely so that the free choice of the American people is what shapes our self-government and determines the destiny of our nation. Not fear, not force -- but the peaceful expression of the popular will.

Now, we assembled this afternoon to count our citizens' votes and to formalize their choice of the next president. Now we're going to finish exactly what we started. We'll complete the process the right way, by the book. We'll follow our precedents, our laws, and our Constitution -- to the letter. And we will certify the winner of the 2020 presidential election. Criminal behavior will never dominate the United States Congress. This institution is resilient. Our democratic republic is strong.

The American people deserve nothing less.

Mitch McConnell (after the impeachment vote in the Senate)

McConnell's strongest words came when he was (rather weakly) trying to explain why the Senate hadn't voted to impeach Donald Trump for the insurrection attempt. This doesn't age well (especially the parts we omitted), since if the Senate had indeed voted to convict -- if 10 more Republican senators had done their clear duty to the Constitution -- then Donald Trump would have been forever barred from running for office again. So here is Mitch trying to have it both ways: Trump was definitely responsible, but the Senate was too weak to do the right thing.

[Transcript or video.]

January 6th was a disgrace

American citizens attacked their own government. They used terrorism to try to stop a specific piece of domestic business they did not like. Fellow Americans beat and bloodied our own police. They stormed the Senate floor. They tried to hunt down the speaker of the House. They built a gallows and chanted about murdering the vice president.

They did this because they'd been fed wild falsehoods by the most powerful man on Earth, because he was angry he'd lost an election. Former President Trump's actions [which] preceded the riot were a disgraceful, disgraceful dereliction of duty.

The House accused the former president of quote "incitement." That is a specific term from the criminal law. Let me just put that aside for a moment and reiterate something I said weeks ago. There's no question -- none -- that President Trump is practically and morally responsible for provoking the events of the day. No question about it.

The people who stormed this building believed they were acting on the wishes and instructions of their president, and having that belief was a foreseeable consequence of the growing crescendo of false statements, conspiracy theories, and reckless hyperbole, which the defeated president kept shouting into the largest megaphone on planet Earth.

The issue is not only the president's intemperate language on January 6th. It is not just his endorsement of remarks in which an associate urged, quote: "Trial by combat." It was also the entire manufactured atmosphere of looming catastrophe. The increasingly wild myths -- myths -- about a reverse-landslide election that was somehow being stolen. Some secret coup by our now president.

Now, I defended the president's right to bring any complaints to our legal system. The legal system spoke; the Electoral College spoke. As I stood up and said clearly at that time, the election was settled. It was over. But that just really opened a new chapter of even wilder -- wilder -- and more unfounded claims. The leader of the free world cannot spend weeks thundering that shadowy forces are stealing our country and then feign surprise when people believe him and do reckless things. Sadly, many politicians sometimes make overheated comments or use metaphors -- we saw that -- that unhinged listeners might take literally, but that was different. That's different from what we saw. This was an intensifying crescendo of conspiracy theories orchestrated by an outgoing president who seemed determined to either overturn the voter's decision or else torch our institutions on the way out. The unconscionable behavior did not end when the violence actually began.

Whatever our ex-president claims he thought might happen that day -- whatever reaction he says he meant to produce -- by that afternoon, we know he was watching the same live television as the rest of us. A mob was assaulting the Capitol in his name, these criminals who are carrying his banners, hanging his flags, and screaming their loyalty to him.

It was obvious that only President Trump could end this. He was the only one who could. Former aides publicly begged him to do so. Loyal allies frantically called the administration. The president did not act swiftly. He did not do his job. He didn't take steps so federal law could be faithfully executed and order restored. No.

Instead, according to public reports, he watched television happily -- happily -- as the chaos unfolded. He kept pressing his scheme to overturn the election. Now even after it was clear to any reasonable observer that Vice President Pence was in serious danger, even as the mob carrying Trump banners was beating cops and breaching perimeters, the president sent a further tweet attacking his own vice president.

Now predictably and foreseeably, under the circumstances, members of the mob seemed to interpret this as a further inspiration to lawlessness and violence, not surprisingly. Later, even when the president did halfheartedly began calling for peace, he didn't call right away for the riot to end. He did not tell the mob to depart until even later. And even then, with police officers bleeding and broken glass covering Capitol floors, he kept repeating election lies and praising the criminals.

In recent weeks, our ex-president's associates have tried to use the seventy-four million Americans who voted to reelect him as a kind of human shield against criticism -- using the seventy-four million who voted for him as kind of a human seal shield against criticism. Anyone who decries his awful behavior is accused of insulting millions of voters. That's an absurd deflection. Seventy-four million Americans did not invade the Capitol, hundreds of rioters did. Seventy-four million Americans did not engineer the campaign of disinformation and rage that provoked it.

One person did -- just one.

This is what leading Republicans were saying, three years ago.

Lest we forget....

-- Chris Weigant

Follow Chris on Twitter: @ChrisWeigant